^'UVI'W 


f 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


&^ 


{./ 


■V^ 


rA 


%^ 


1.0    ^i^ 


I.I 


ui  m 


12.2 


11:25   Nl  1.4 


■  20 

1.6 


V] 


i?!^ 


/l 


^y 


V 


HiotDgraphic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


33  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14SE0 

(716)  S72-4S03 


h. 


fV 


:i7 


\\ 


I* 


^ 


%" 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHIVI/ICIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notaa/Notas  tachniquat  at  bibliographiquas 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


d 


n 

n 

□ 
n 

D 


D 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 

Covers  damaged/ 
Couverture  endommagie 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restauria  et/ou  pellicuKke 

Cover  title  missing/ 

Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 

Coloured  maps/ 

Csrtes  gdographiques  en  couleur 

Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 

Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 

Bound  with  other  material/ 
Reli6  avec  d'autres  documents 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  reliure  serree  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  intirieur' 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajoutias 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais,  iorsque  cela  itait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6t6  film^es. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  supplAmentaires; 


L'Institut  a  microfilm*  le  meilieur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  it6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cat  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-Atre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  mithode  normale  jde  filmage 
sont  indiquAs  ci-dessous. 


r~~|    Coloured  pages/ 


D 


Pages  de  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommag^es 

Pages  restored  and/oi 

Pages  restaurdes  et/ou  pelliculies 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxe( 
Pages  ddcolories,  tachet^es  ou  piqu^es 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  ddtachdes 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 

Quality  of  prir 

Quality  indgale  de  I'impression 

includes  supplementary  materii 
Comprend  du  materiel  suppldmentairo 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Mition  disponiblf 


I      I  Pages  damaged/ 

I      I  Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 

I      I  Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 

I      I  Pages  detached/ 

r~l  Showthrough/ 

I      I  Quality  of  print  varies/ 

r~~|  includes  supplementary  material/ 

I      I  Only  edition  available/ 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  M  film^es  i  nouveau  de  fapon  d 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film*  au  taux  de  reduction  indiqu6  ci-dessous. 

10X  14X  18X  22X 


y 


26X 


30X 


12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


Th«  copy  filmtd  htr*  hat  bMn  rsproducad  thanks 
to  tha  ganarosity  of: 

University  of  British  Columbin  Library 


L'axamplaira  film*  fut  raproduit  grica  A  la 
gAnArositA  da: 

University  of  British  Columbia  Library 


Tha  imagat  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  bast  quality 
posaibia  considaring  tha  condition  and  lagibility 
of  tha  original  copy  and  in  kaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  spacifications. 


Original  copia*  in  printad  papar  covart  ara  filmad 
baginning  with  tha  front  covar  and  anding  on 
tha  last  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustratad  impraa- 
sion,  or  tha  back  covar  whan  approprtata.  All 
othar  original  copias  ara  filmad  baginning  on  tha 
first  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustratad  impras- 
sion,  and  ending  on  tha  last  paga  with  a  printad 
or  illustratad  imprassion. 


Tha  last  racordad  frama  on  aach  microficha 
shall  contain  tha  symbol  ^^  (moaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  tha  symbol  V  (moaning  "END"), 
whichavar  applias. 

Maps,  platas.  charts,  ate.  may  ba  filmad  at 
diffarant  raduction  ratios.  Thosa  too  larga  to  ba 
antiraly  includad  in  ona  axposura  ara  filmad 
baginning  in  tha  uppar  laft  hand  cornar,  laft  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  framas  as 
raquirad.  Tha  following  diagrams  illustrata  tha 
mathod: 


Las  imagas  suivantas  ont  AtA  raproduitas  avac  la 
plua  grand  soin.  compta  tanu  da  la  condition  at 
da  la  nattat*  da  l'axamplaira  f ilmA.  at  an 
conformity  avac  las  conditions  du  contest  da 
filmaga. 

Las  axamplairas  originaux  dont  la  couvartura  an 
papiar  ast  imprimAa  sont  filmAs  an  commandant 
par  la  pramiar  plat  at  an  tarminant  soit  par  la 
darniira  paga  qui  comporta  una  amprainta 
d'imprassion  ou  d'illustration.  soit  par  la  sacond 
plat,  salon  le  cas.  Tous  9as  autras  axamplairas 
originaux  sont  filmAs  an  comman9ant  par  la 
pramiAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  amprainta 
d'imprassion  ou  d'illustration  at  an  tarminant  par 
la  darniAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  talla 
amprainta. 

Un  das  symbolas  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
darniira  imaga  da  chaqua  microficha,  salon  la 
cas:  la  symbole  — ►  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 

Las  cartas,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
film  As  A  des  taux  da  rAduction  diffArents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seui  clichA,  il  est  filmA  A  partir 
de  Tangle  supArieur  gauchs,  da  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nAcessaire.  Las  diagrammes  suivonts 
illustrant  la  mAthode. 


t 

2 

3 

1 


8 


m^mmm 


imm^m^ 


mmt 


', « • 


r^A 


'im 


fe' 


.■^:i 


)r 


^5BlEI^P^W<"«"lW«-*?**#*M-  :>-:>.  ■»iH«.>Y«)e%«   I" Ij     .«*-»»-.  «-(k'i'»  j««.  Jjl»»«iM)j»^«i^iijiM 


•      5*"-  32/^  4L 


h«\^ 


HULL'S 


OF  Detroit. 


W  Wmm ^^  ^^^O^^Ot,  LL.D. 


ftE]>RINtriQ>.WITfi  ADPlTlC'\S,t|lQif  "POTTER'S  AMERlCAZfliOirTHLY,' 


PmLADEUllIA: 
B.  POTTER  Km  qOIIPANY, 


MMjU'J.    ■ 


:'«i»'*. 


HULL'S 


Surrender  of  Detroit. 


By  IM^:NS()N  .1.  LOS8IN(},  LL.D. 


RKPRINTKl).  WITH  ADUITIONS,  FROM  "  POTTER'S  AMKRICAN  MONTHl.V,' 

AUGUST,  1875- 


nillADELrHIA: 
JOHN  E.    POTTKR  AND  COMPANY, 

No.  617  Sansom  Strket. 


The  article  by  ^Dr.  Lossing,  here  reprinted  by  his 
consent  and  that  of  his  publishers,  first  appeared  in 
"fPotter's  American  Monthly  Magazine,"  August, 
^^73,  -^0.  44.  A  few  passages,  not  bearing  on  the 
Surrender  of  (Detroit,  have  been  omitted;  and  a  few 
notes  referring  to  the  authorities,  added. 


HULL'S 


Surrender  of  Detroit. 


The  name  of  William  Hull  holds  a  conspicuous  place  in  the 
annals  of  our  country — conspicuous  for  gallant  deeds  and  patient 
suffering  under  false  accusations.  I  do  not  propose  to  give  in  this 
paper  a  biography  of  this  citizen ;  only  outline  pictures  of  the  more 
salient  points  in  the  history  of  his  life,  from  his  birth  in  Derby,  a 
village  on  the  Housatonic  River,  in  Connecticut,  in  1753,  until  his 
death  in  Newton,  Massachusetts,  in  1825.  He  labored  gallantly 
in  the  camp  and  in  the  field  wheni  er  opportunity  offered,  and  he 
suffered  the  stings  of  unjust  public  reproach  many  years,  that  were 
set  in  motion  by  a  few  selfish,  ambitious  or  ignorant  men,  who 
misled  the  judgment  of  the  nation.  These  even  secured  the  ear  of 
History,  anc  ihat  misled  judgment  obscured  her  vision,  and  to  this 
day  she  has  taught  the  world  (with  few  exceptions)  untruthful 
stories  about  the  character  and  career  of  an  American  citizen  who 
deserves  the  love  and  veneration  of  his  countrymen  for  his  brave 
and  generous  deeds.  It  is  a  pleasant  task  for  me  to  recall  from 
the  obscurity  of  the  past  a  vindication  of  the  patriot  who  made  his 
dwelling-house  at  Newton  one  of  the  conspicuous  Historic  Build- 
ings of  America. 

After  his  graduation  at  Yale  College  young  Hull  studied  divinity 


J/i'LVS  SURRENDER    OE  l)ErK01T. 


a  year,  t(j  fit  hiin  for  tlic  Clirislian  ministry,  in  <  oni|)lian(  c  with 
the  vvislics  of  his  ])arcnts.  He  could  not  <  onM.icntiously  make  tlic 
])r()fL-ssion  of  a  ch.Tgyman  his  life  pursuit,  ami  he  enteral  the  l,a\v 
School  at  Litchfield,  Connecticut.  In  1775  he  was  admitted  to 
the  Mar,  and  had  j»isl  entered  upon  its  practi(  e  when  the  War  for 
IndeiJcndcnce  broke  out.  Me  had  taken  an  active  part  in  the 
Revolutionary  movements.  One  evening  his  fatlier,  returning 
from  a  public  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Derby,  said,  "William, 
who  do  you  suppose  iias  been  elected  captain  of  the  company  that 
has  been  raised  in  this  town?"  \Villiam  named  several,  when  his 
father  .surprised  him  by  saying,  "It  is  you."  Me  accepted  the 
honors  and  duties  of  his  position,  closed  the  doors  of  his  law-ofilice, 
and  entered  upon  military  duties  under  Colonel  Webb.  At  about 
the  same  time  H"l''s  fiither  died,  and  left  his  considerable  estate  to 
his  widow  ant'  iren.     William  refused  to  receive  any  part  of  it, 

saying,  "I  o  y  want  my  sword  and  my  uniform."  A  few  days 
afterward  he  was  on  his  way  with  his  company  to  join  Washington 
at  Cambridge.  From  that  time  until  the  close  of  hostilities  he  was 
an  active  and  skillful  soldier.  Dorchester  Heights,  White  Plains, 
Trenton  and  Princeton  witnessed  the  achievements  that  won  for 
him  the  commission  of  major.  At  Ticonderoga,  Stillwater,  Sara- 
toga, Monmouth  and  Stony  Point  his  skill  and  valor  won  for  him 
the  commission  of  lieutenant-colonel ;  and  when  he  assisted  in  the 
capture  of  Cornwallis,  late  in  1781,  he  held  the  commission  of 
colonel. 

Early  in  1781,  after  having  served  about  six  years  in  the  army 
without  asking  for  a  furlough,  he  obtained  leave  of  absence  to  com- 
plete a  con(piest  and  take  possession  of  the  prize  won  by  his  valor 
in  another  field.  He  repaired  to  Bcston  in  February,  1781,  and 
soon  afterward  was  married  to  Sarah,  only  daughter  of  Judge 
Fidler,  of  Newton,  Massachusetts.  Of  that  victory  and  its  results 
the  veteran  soldier  wrote  from  the  home  of  his  bride,  the  Hull 


HULL'S  SURRENDIili    OF  Dl'.TROIT. 


5 


mansion,  at  Newlon,  in  1822:  *'  It  was  a  reward  for  all  the  toils 
and  clangers  whirh,  for  six  years,  I  iiad  encountered.  It  has  con- 
tinued for  nearly  forty  years,  and  my  beloved  companion  has  not 
oidy  sailed  with  me  down  the  stream  of  life,  enjoying  its  prosperous 
gales,  hut  has  steadily  and  affectionately  supported  me  in  gloomy 
periods,  as  well  as  in  the  last  trying  storm  which,  by  faith  in  an 
overruling  IVovidence,  I  have  met  and  borne  in  all  its  fury." 

I  will  pass  on  with  only  brief  mention  of  the  principal  events  in 
tlvi  life  of  Cloloncl  Hull,  after  his  marriage,  to  his  appointment  as 
(lovernor  of  the  Territory  of  Michigan. 

When  the  army  of  the  Revolution  was  about  to  be  disbanded, 
and  Washington  and  a  few  troops  entered  the  city  of  New  York  on 
the  diiv  when  the  liritish  left  it,  C'olonel  Hull  was  selected  to  lead 
the  military  escort  of  the  Commander-in-Chief  on  that  occasion, 
and  was  with  him  until  his  departure  for  Annapolis  to  resign  his 
commission.  In  1786  Hull  retired  from  the  army,  and  for  several 
years  practiced  law  in  Newton  with  marked  success.  He  soon 
became  a  leading  man  there,  representing  his  district  in  the 
Massachusetts  Legislature,  and  being  made  a  major-general  of 
militia.  In  Shay's  rebellion  he  commanded  one  wing  of  Lincoln's 
forces.  Pushing  on  to  the  camp  of  the  insurgents  in  spite  of  a 
violent  snow-storm,  he  surprised  and  dispersed  them.  In  1793  he 
was  sent  by  the  government  of  the  United  States  to  treat  with  the 
Indians  in  Canada;  and  five  years  afterward  he  went  to  Kurope. 
After  his  return  he  was  appointed  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Common 
Pleas  of  Massachusetts. 

President   Jefferson  appointed  General   Hull  (Governor   of  the 
Territory  of  Michigan*  in   1805,  which  office  he  held  until    f8i2. 


*  The  white  inli.abitants  of  Miclii},':in  in  181 1  were  4,860  in  nunil)er,  four- 
llflhs  of  whom  were  French.  With  llie  exception  of  a  small  strip  of  hind  on  the 
river  and  lake,  all   the   present   State  of  Michij^an  was  occupied   by  Indians — 


^^w 


^^ 


6 


J/ULVS  SC/A'A'EJVJJ/':A'    0J<   DETNOIT. 


Detroit,  a  small  struggling  village  on  the  west  side  of  the  Detroit 
River,  was  the  capital  of  his  domain,  and  was  inhabited  rhielly  by 
French  Canadians.  There  he  built  a  house  for  his  family,  and  in- 
vested a  large  [Hjrtion  of  his  fortune  in  real  estate.  During  the 
winter  and  spring  of  1812  he  was  in  Washington  City,  where  he 
listened  with  anxiety  to  the  debates  in  Congress  on  the  subjet  t  of 
a  declaration  of  war  against  Great  Britain,  for  he  feared  that  in  the 
event  of  such  a  declaration  the  government  would  be  in  favor  of 
an  immediate  invasion  of  Canada.  Hull  weli  knew  the  perils  to 
his  own  Territory  which  such  an  invasion  \  ould  involve,  and 
always  gave  his  voice  agninst  it.  He  well  knew  what  pains  the 
British  authorities  in  Canada  had  taken,  by  i)resents  of  firearms 
and  other  things,  to  induce  the  Indian  tribes  of  the  Northwest  to 
become  their  allies.*  He  well  knew  how  successful  the  Hritish  had 
been  in  their  diplomacy  to  that  end,  and  he  knew  that  the  mo- 
ment American  troops  should  cross  the  Detroit  River  into  Canada, 
there  was  danger  of  an  invasion  of  Michigan,  and  the  complete 
desolation  of  the  Territory.  Without  a  fleet  on  Lake  Erie,t  of 
which  the  British  were  masters,  it  would  be  almost  impossible  to 
defend  Michigan,  much  less  to  invade  Canada  with  success  by  such 
a  force  as  might  be  raised  in  that  region. 

President  Madison  listened  to  Hull's  advice  to  some  extent,  but 
he  was  overruled  by  others  having  more  force  than  himself.  He 
persuaded  Governor  Hull  to  accept  the  office  of  brigadier-general 
in  the  regular  army,  made  a  requisition  upon  Governor  Meigs,  of 

I'ottawattomies,  Mianiis,  Wyandots,  Chippevvas,  Winnebagoes  and  Ottawas. — 
*'  Military  and  Civil  Life  of  General  I/ull."  New  York  :  D.  Appleton  ^  Co., 
1S48,  page  307. 

*  See  "  Civil  and  Military  Life  of  General  Hull"  page  310. 

t  In  three  separate  memorials  addressed  to  the  War  Department  in  April, 
1809,  June,  181 1,  and  March,  1812,  General  Hull  had  urged  the  necessity  of  a 
fleet  on  Lake  Erie.  Again,  after  his  appointment  as  brigadier-general,  he  urged 
the  same  thing  in  a  memorial  to  the  President. — "  Military  and  Civil  Life,''  etc., 
pages  327-413- 


IWLVS   SUKKEiMOIlR    OF  DETROIT.  1 

Ohio,  for  a  detachment  of  twelve  hundred  militia  to  be  disciplined, 
and  prepared  to  march  instantly  for  Detroit  when  they  should  be 
called  for,  Hull  accepted  the  commission  of  brigadier-general 
only  that  he  might  more  efficiently  protect  his  domain  .igainst  the 
savages.*  He  returned  to  Detroit,  resolved  to  do  whatever  his 
country  should  demand  of  him,  but  with  a  strong  hope  that  war 
would  be  averted. 

Hull's  hopes  were  disappointed,  for  in  Time  following,  our  gov- 
ernment formally  declared  war  against  Gre.t'.  Britain.  Governor 
Meigs,  meanwhile,  had  gathered  and  disciplined  the  militia  of 
Ohiof  with  great  alacrity,  and  late  l.i  May  he  hud  placed  them 
unucr  the  command  of  Hull  in  an  open  field  near  Dayton.  The 
veteran  soldier,  then  about  sixty  years  of  age,  made  a  patriotic 
speech  to  them,  when  they  all  moved  forward  cheerfully  toward 
Detroit,  up  the  valley  of  ihe  Miami  or  Maumee  River.  As  he 
advanced,  Hull  had  sure  indications  of  Indian  hostilities.  Tecum- 
tha  was  the  ally  of  the  British,  and  his  authority  was  almost 
supreme  over  a  vast  region,  and  over  many  savages. 

On  the  24th  of  Tune,  six  days  after  war  had  been  declared,  Hull 
received  a  despatch  from  the  War  Department,  directing  him  to 
hasten  with  his  troops  to  Detroit,  and  there  await  further  orders. 
A  little  more  than  a  week  later,  when  he  was  at  Frenchtown  (now 


*  See  "  Military  and  Civil  Life,"  etc.,  page  326. 

f  The  Ohio  volunteers  were  militia  just  called  into  the  field,  and  were  defi- 
cient in  discipline.  Lieutenant  Bacon,  of  the  Fourth  United  States  Infantry, 
testified  at  the  court-martial  as  follows :  "  Generally  speaking,  the  Ohio  volunteers 
and  militia  were  insubor^'.inate.  One  evening,  at  Urbana,  I  saw  a  multitude  and 
heard  a  noise,  and  was  informed  that  a  company  of  Ohio  volunteers  were  riding 
one  of  their  officers  on  a  rail.  Witness  thinks  he  saw  one  hundred  of  the  Ohio 
militia  who  refused  to  cross  into  Canada."— /br^iw'j  "Report  of  the  Court-Mar- 
tin I,''  page  124. 

The  arms  and  equipments  of  these  troops  were  unfit  for  service ;  the  men  were 
without  blankets,  clothing  or  ammunition,  and  the  government  had  made  no 
provision  for  either.—"  Memoirs  of  the  Campaign  of  iSii^  by  William  /lull. 
True  <Sr*  Greene,  Boston,  1824,  page  34. 


8 


HULVS  SURRENDER    OF  DETROIT. 


Monroe,  Michigan),  he  received  another  despatch,  informing  him 
of  the  declaration  of  war.*  The  British  authorities  in  Canada  had 
received  earlier  intelligence  of  the  event,  and  acted  accordingly. 
Before  Hull  received  the  second  despatch,  he  had  hired  a  schooner 
for  the  conveyance  of  his  heavy  baggage,  intrenching  tools,  etc., 
to  Detroit,  so  that  he  might  relieve  his  wearied  pack-horses.  This 
vessel  sailed  from  the  site  of  Toledo  on  the  day  before  he  received 
the  news  of  the  declaration  of  war.  She  was  captured  by  an  armed 
vessel  sent  out  from  Maiden.  By  mistake  his  private  papers  con- 
taining the  muster-rolls  of  his  army,  and  other  information  which 
he  did  not  wish  the  enemy  to  possess,  had  been  placed  on  board  of 
the  schooner. 

When  the  wearied  troops  reached  Detroit,  Hull  rested  and 
awaited  orders,  according  to  his  instructions.  The  British  were 
constructing  fortifications  on  the  opi)osite  side  of  the  river  that 
might  endanger  Detroit,  and  Hull's  officers,  most  of  them  ardent 
young  men,  were  impatient  to  invade  Canada  and  drive  olT  the 
fort-builders.  They  urged  the  General  to  do  so,  when  he  replied, 
"I  have  no  authority  to  invade  Canada."  They  insisted  that  it 
was  his  duty  to  do  so,  under  the  circumstances.  He  replied  firmly, 
"  While  I  have  the  command  I  will  obey  the  order,  of  my  govern- 
ment. I  will  not  cross  over  until  I  hear  from  Washington."  Tlie 
ycnmg  officers  were  niucli  irritated,  and  felt  rebellious.  That  night 
a  despatch  was  received  from  the  Secretary  i.-)^  War,  directing  H-iil 
"to  commence  operations  immediately."  This  relieved  the 
deneral  from  perplexity  and  satisfied  his  officers. 

With  about  sixteen  hundred  cITec  live  men,|  Hull  now  crossed 

*  .See  Hull's  "  .JA'wo/r.f,"  as  above,  page  35  ;  also,  "  Armstrong's  Xotin's  of 
llw  War  of  iSi2y'  YA<^^'^  i^T,  if%. 

t  Major  Jcssiip,  Hiij^'ade-Major  of  the  army,  testified  at  the  eourt-martial  that 
Hull  crossed  into  Canada  with  sixteen  or  eightsen  hundred  men.  The  estimate 
of  his  force  matle  i)y  CJeneral  Hull  himself  was  fourteen  hundred. —  Forbes'' s 
"  Report  of  the  Court- Murtial,''  page  42. 


\ 


HULLS  SURRENDER    OF  DETROIT.  0 

the  Detroit  River,  raised  the  American  standard,  and  issued  a  stir- 
ring proclamation  to  the  inhabitants  of  Canada,  in  which  assurance 
was  given  that  the  peaceful  and  quiet  dwellers  should  be  secure  in 
person  and  property,  but  no  quarters  would  be  given  to  any  who 
should  be  found  fighting  side  by  side  with  the  Indians.  A  copy 
of  that  proclamation,  with  an  account  of  his  movements,  was  sent 
by  Hull  to  the  Secretary  of  War.  The  latter  wrote  to  the  General, 
"Your  operations  are  approved  by  the  government."  When  dis- 
aster followed,  this  approval  was  concealed,  and  histories  for  more 
than  fifty  years  declared  that  the  invasion  was  unauthorized.  The 
American  Commissioners  at  the  Treaty  of  Chent,  misled,  made  the 
same  declaration. 

Hull's  invasion  of  Canada  was  a  failure.  His  excessive  caution 
won  for  him  the  dislike,  the  injurious  suspicions,  and  tlie  contcmiH 
of  his  young  and  impatient  officers,  who  wished  to  march  immedi- 
ately ui)on  Fort  Maiden,  an  important  British  post  eighteen  miles 
below  Detroit.  At  about  the  same  time  news  came  from  the  far 
north,  that  the  American  fort  at  Mackinaw  had  been  captured  l)y  a 
force  of  British  and  Indians,  and  that  the  savage  hosts  in  tliat 
region  were  about  to  go  upon  the  war-path  into  Michigan.  Hull 
knew  better  than  his  young  oflicers  the  perils  tliat  menaced  his 
army,  antl  the  necessity  for  its  preservation  for  the  protection  of 
the  inhabitants  of  his  territory.  Tin  could  not  know  the  anxiety 
that  produced  his  caution,  and  they  charged  the  Ceneral  (secretly 
at  first,  and  then  (piite  openly)  with  imbecility,  cowardice,  and 
even  treason.  Rut  he  remained  dutifiil  to  his  convictions  of  right  ; 
and  early  in  August  he  ordered  his  little  army  to  abandon  the 
invasion  of  Canada  and  recross  the  river. 

Meanwhile  Major-General  Brock  had  been  sent  to  the  western 
frontier  of  Canada  with  a  few  British  regulars  and  a  militia  force.* 


*  General  Hiock's  own  account  of  his  force  was,  whiles,  730  men;  Indians, 
600;   1,330  in  all;  hut  he  seems  to  have  uiiclenated  his  own  force,  for  in  his 


10 


HULL'S  SURRENDER    OF  DETROLT. 


He  cast  up  intrenchments  opposite  Detroit,  and  on  the  15th  of 
August  he  sent  a  summons  to  Hull,  demanding  an  immediate  sur- 
render of  his  troops,  fort,  town,  and  Territory.  The  summons  was 
accompanied  by  a  covert  threat  to  let  loose  the  savages  upon  the 
Americans. 

Hull  was  now  moved  by  conflicting  emotions.  His  pride  of 
character,  his  patriotism,  and  his  desire  to  satisfy  his  officers  bade 
him  fight,  his  tender  regard  for  his  troops  and  the  inhabitants  of 
the  town  bade  him  surrender.*     He  obeyed  the  former  impulse  at 


biography  it  is  stated  that  one  thousand  Indians,  under  Tecumseh,  met  him  in 
council  at  Amhersthurg,  and  all  exjiressed  their  determination  to  fight  on  his 
side. — "  Military  and  Civil  Life"  etc.,  page  362. 

General  Brock  had  also  all  the  sailors  and  marines  of  his  naval  force,  then 
lying  in  the  Detroit  River,  and  a  detachment  of  British  troops  under  Major 
Chambers,  which  came  from  Niagara  to  reinforce  him,  amounting  to  several  hun- 
dred men. — HulVs  "  Memoirs"  page  115. 

From  these  two  sources  at  least  five  hundred  men  must  have  been  added  to  his 
force,  which  would  therefore  hn — 

Regulars  and  Canadian  militia        .         .         .  .         .         730 

Major  Chambers's  reinforcement,  with  sailors  and  marines  froril 

the  fleet 500 

Indians 1000 

2230  men. 

The  testimony  of  Major  Snelling,  a  swift  witness  for  the  prosecution,  as  to  the 
numbers  ftf  the  enemy,  was  so  given  that  it  is  difficult  to  say  whether  he  made 
them  to  be  750  men  or  2,250.  It  may  be  interpreted  either  way. — Fortes' s 
"  Report  of  Court- Martial"  page  40. 

Robert  Wallace,  of  Kentucky,  who  was  one  of  General  Hull's  aids  during  the 
campaign,  wrote  an  interesting  account  of  it  for  a  Western  newspaper,  in  which 
he  stated  that  "  the  British  regulars  and  Canadians  were  about  three  thousand 
men ;  but  the  numbers  of  Indians  could  not  have  been  known  by  Brock  himself. 
In  addition  to  Tecumseh's  band  and  the  Wyandots,  they  had  gathered  in  from 
all  the  regions  of  the  Northern  lakes — a  countless  number."  Mr.  Wallace  states 
that  his  summons  as  a  witness  did  not  reach  him  in  season  to  allow  him  to  give 
evidence  at  the  trial — which  was  unfortunate  for  General  Hull, — "  Civil  and 
Military  Life  of  William  Hull"  page  443. 

*  Beside  the  inhabitants  of  the  town,  there  were,  as  we  have  seen,  a  large 
number  of  white  persons  scattered  through  the  Territory  of  Michigan,  who 
would  have  been  massacred  by  the  Indians  as  soon  as  fighting  began. 


' 


HULL'S  SURRENDER   OE  DETROIT. 


11 


f 


first,  and  defied  Brock.  The  latter  opened  a  severe  cannonade  on 
the  fort  and  town.  British  troops  and  Indian  warriors  were  sent 
across  the  river  to  attack  the  Americans.  Battle  lines  were  formed, 
and  the  American  soldiers,  confident  of  victory,  were  eager,  it  is 
said,  to  measure  strength  with  the  foe.  Hull  did  not  share  with 
his  troops  the  expectation  of  victory.  On  the  contrary,  he  expected 
defeat,  and  just  as  a  conflict  was  about  to  begin,  the  General 
ordered  his  men  to  retreat  into  the  fort.  They  were  asiounded, 
bewildered,  and  exasperated,  but  obeyed. 

Imjjressed  by  a  sense  of  imminent  danger  to  the  lives  of  his  sol- 
diery and  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  from  the  fierce  cruelty  of  an 
overwhelm' ng  number  of  savages,  the  General,  without  consulting 
any  of  hi.^  officers,  now  ordered  a  white  flag  to  be  unfurled  over 
the  fort,  when  the  firing  ceased.  Very  soon  afterwards  the  fort 
was  surrendered  by  Hull,  with  the  troops,  the  town,  and  the  Ter- 
ritory. The  officers  and  soldiers  were  greatly  excited.  The  act 
was  so  sudden  that  they  could  hardly  believe  their  senses.  The 
General  had  not  even  suggested  the  possibility  of  a  surrender. 
Not  a  gun  had  been  fired  against  the  enemy  ;  not  an  effort  had 
been  made  to  stay  his  course.  The  troops  (so  testified  the  offi- 
cers) felt  that  they  had  been  betrayed.  Nothing  but  respect  for 
gray  hai.s  and  veneration  for  a  soldier  of  the  Revolution  saved 
Hull  from  personal  violence  for  a  moment.  The  soldiers*  were 
paroled  and  sent  home;  the  General  and   the  other  officers  were 


*  General  Hull's  own  estimate  of  his  force  at  the  time  of  the 

surrender  was 800  men. 

The  average  of  Major  Jessup's  two  estimates  .         .         .         850    " 

Colonel  Cass's  statement  in  his  letter  of  September  loth         .       1060    " 
General  Brock's  statement  of  the  number  captured         .         .       2500     " 
Colonel  Cass  was  absent  at  the  time  of  the  surrender,  and  derived  his  inf'  •• 
mation  from  others.     General   Brock  maile  the  number  captured  one  thousand 
greater  than  any  number  General  Hull  had  under  his  command  during  the  cam- 
paign.    The  statement  of  the  Brigade- Major,  Jessup,  is  probably  reliable. 


12 


HULL'S  SURRENDER    OE  DETROIT. 


taken  as  captives  to  Montreal,  where  they  were  soon  exchanged  or 
otherwise  released. 

At  Fort  George,  on  the  Niagara  River,  Hull  wrote  a  report  of 
recent  proceedings  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  but  was  not  permitted 
to  send  it  until  he  reached  Montreal.  In  that  report  he  gener- 
ously took  all  the  responsibility  of  the  act  of  surrender  upon 
himself.  "I  well  knew  the  responsibility  of  the  measure,"  he 
wrote,  "and  take  the  whole  of  it  on  myself.  It  was  dictated  by  a 
sense  of  duty,  and  a  full  conviction  of  its  expediency.  The  bands 
of  savages  which  had  then  joined  the  British  force  were  numerous 
beyond  example.  Their  numbers  have  since  increased  ;  and  the 
historv  of  the  barbarians  of  the  north  of  Europe  does  not  furnish 
examples  of  more  greedy  violence  than  these  savages  have  ex- 
hibi'ed,  A  large  portion  of  the  brave  and  gallant  officers  and  meii 
I  txmimand  would  cheerfully  have  contested  until  the  last  cartridge 
had  been  expended  and  bayonets  worn  to  the  sockets.  I  could  not 
consent  to  the  useless  sacrifice  of  such  brave  men  when  I  knew  it 
was  impossible  for  me  to  sustain  my  situation.  It  was  impossible, 
in  the  nature  of  things,  that  an  army  could  have  been  furnished 
with  the  necessary  supplies  of  provisions,  military  stores,  clothing, 
and  comforts  for  the  sick,  or  pack-horses,  througli  a  wilderness  of 
two  hundred  miles,  filled  with  hostile  savages.*  It  was  impossible, 
Sir,  that  this  little  army,  worn  down  by  fatigue,  by  sickness,  by 
wounds,  and  deaths,  could  have  supported  itself  not  only  against 
the  collected  force  of  all  the  northern  Indians,  but  against  the 
united  strength  of  Upper  Canada,  whose  population  consists  of 
more  than  twenty  times  the  number  contained  in  the  Territory  of 
Michigan,  aided  by  the  principal  part  of  the  regular  forces  of  the 


*  By  the  evidence  of  Baird,  the  contractor  for  the  supply  of  the  army  at 
Detroit,  ii  appears  that  on  the  day  of  the  surrender,  the  provisions  were  ainiosl 
exhausted,  and  two  expeditions  sent  out  to  bring  in  supplies  had  been  defeated 
by  the  Indians. — HuWs  '■^ Memoirs^''  page  77. 


JIULVS   SURRENDER    OF  DETROIT. 


13 


I)rovince,  and  the  wealth  and  influence  of  the  Nortliwest  and  other 
trading  establishments  among  the  Indians,  who  have  in  their  em- 
ployment more  than  two  thousand  men."* 

In  the  meantime  a  few  troops  under  Colonel  McArthur,  who  had 
not  arrived  at  Detroit,  had  been  included  in  the  surrender  and 
parole.  Colonel  Cass  immediately  started  for  Washington  City  to 
communicate  a  history  of  the  affair  to  the  government.  It  was 
made  in  writing,  and  exhibited  much  warmth  of  feeling  against 
General  Hull.  It  was  made  up  of  a  (t^  facts  and  many  exi)ress- 
lons  of  o/>i>iion.  "To  see  the  whole  of  our  men  flushed  with  a 
hope  of  victory,"  Cass  wrote,  "eagerly  awaiting  the  approaching 
contest— to  see  them  afterwards  dispirited,  hojjeless,  and  despond- 
ing, at  least  five  hundred  shedding  tears  because  they  were  not  al- 
lowed to  meet  their  country's  foe  and  to  fight  their  country's  bat- 
tles, excited  sensations  which  no  American  has  ever  before  had 
cause  to  feel,  and  which,  1  trust  in  God,  will  never  again  be  felt 
while  our  men  remain  to  defend  the  standard  of  the  Union  . 
Confident  I  am  that,  had  the  courage  and  conduct  of  the  General 
been  equal  to  the  spirit  and  zeal  of  the  troops,  the  event  would 
have  been  as  brilliant  and  successful  as  it  is  disastrous  and  dishon- 
orable, "f 


*  The  fact  whicli  made  llie  surroiuler  of  flull  necessary,  was  (hat  his  com- 
munications were  entirely  cut  off,  anil  holli  attempts  to  restore  them  had  failed. 
Food  .and  ammunition  were  nearly  gone— the  army  was  cut  off  from  its  base,  and 
fell,  as  a  matter  of  course.  In  the  same  way,  during  our  Civil  War,  Charleston, 
wMch  had  successfully  resisted  the  most  powerful  assaults  from  the  army  and 
fleet  of  the  Union,  fell  without  a  blow  as  soon  as  Sherman  ha<l  cut  its  railroad 
conununicalions. 

t  Mr.  Silliman,  of  Zanesville,  Ohio,  brother-in-law  of  Colonel  Cass,  testified, 
on  the  trial,  that  on  the  I2th  of  August,  four  days  l)efore  the  surrender,  Cass 
wrote  to  him  in  these  terms :  "Our  situation  is  critical.  Men  and  provisons  are 
necess.ary  for  our  existence.  I  wish  you  to  hasten  the  march  of  troops  from  your 
parts.  Is  there  nothing  to  be  done  on  the  lake  to  make  a  diversion  in  our  favor  ? 
As  b.ad  as  you  may  think  of  our  situation,  it  is  still  worse  than  you  believe."— 
Forfic-s's  "  A','/>or/  of  the  Trial,"  page  135.  Compare  this  with  bis  statement-- 
after  the  surrender. 


u 


BUZZ'S  SURRENDER    OF  DETROIT. 


This  sensational  history  was  scattered  broadcast  over  the  country 
by  the  newspapers,  and  excited  intense  indignation  against  the  un- 
fortunate General  in  the  public  mind.  It  was  welcomed  by  Dr. 
Eustis,  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  General  Dearborn,  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief, as  a  foil  to  the  just  censure  which  they  would 
have  received  for  remissness  in  official  duty  had  the  whole  truth 
been  known ;  how  the  Secretary  omitted  to  inform  Hull  of  the  de- 
claration of  war  until  it  was  known  in  Canada,  and  even  in  the  wil- 
derness near  Mackinaw  ;  and  how  Dearborn  had  failed  to  commu- 
nicate to  Hull  the  fact  that  he  had  agreed  to  an  armistice  which 
relieved  Brock  from  duty  on  the  Niagara  frontier,  and  allowed  him 
to  hasten  to  the  western  frontier  of  Canada.  Hull  was  made  the 
scapegoat  of  these  officers,  and  they  allowed  him  to  suffer  for  their 
own  sins.  He  was  abused  by  almost  everybody  and  everywhere, 
without  stint,  and  the  most  impossible  stories  were  told  and  be- 
lieved about  his  being  bribed  by  the  British  to  surrender.  The  ab- 
surd story  was  put  afloat  and  actually  credited  that  a  wagon-load  of 
"British  gold"  had  been  taken  to  his  house  at  Newton,  whither 
he  had  retired  to  the  shelter  of  domestic  life  from  the  storm  of  vi- 
tuperation, after  his  return  from  captivity  in  September. 

The  well-informed  government  and  the  ill-informed  people 
joined  in  the  pursuit  of  General  Hull  with  the  lash  of  bitter 
calumny;  the  former  with  the  selfish  intention  to  shield  itself  from 
reproach,  and  the  latter  impelledby  a  righteous  indignation  against 
one  whom  they  regarded  as  an  almost  unpardonable  sinner.  The 
people  had  been  made  to  believe  by  the  politicians  of  the  war 
party  that  Canada  might  be  very  easily  conquered  by  a  small 
American  force,  and  public  expectation  ran  high,  when  news  came 
in  that  our  flag  had  been  unfurled  upon  its  soil.  But  men  of  more 
wisdom  and  experience  had  formed  contrary  opinions.  General 
Harrison  had  seen,  from  the  beginning,  the  danger  of  such  an 
invasion  as  that  undertaken  by  Hull.     And  when  he  heard  of  the 


* 


HULLS  SURRENDER    OF  DETROIT. 


15 


fall  of  Mackinaw,  he  regarded  it  as  the  forerunner  of  the  capture 
of  Chicago  and  Detroit.  This  opinion  he  expressed  in  a  letter 
written  on  the  6th  of  August.  On  the  loth  he  again  wrote  to  the 
Secretary  of  War,  saying:  "I  greatly  fear  that  the  capture  of 
Mackinaw  will  give  such  eclat  to  the  British  and  Indians  that  the 
Northern  Tribes  will  pour  down  in  swarms  upon  Detroit,  oblige 
General  Hull  to  act  on  the  defensive,  and  meet  and  perhaps  over- 
power the  convoys  and  reinforcements  which  may  be  sent  to  him." 
This  is  precisely  what  happened  when  Van  Home,  with  a  detach- 
ment, went  to  meet  a  convoy  of  supplies  from  Ohio.  Harrison 
continues:  **  It  appears  to  me,  indeed,  highly  probable  that  the 
large  detachment  which  is  now  destined  for  his  (Hull's)  relief, 
under  Colonel  Wells,  will  have  to  fight  its  way.  I  greatly  rely  on 
the  valor  of  those  troops,  but  it  is  possible  that  the  event  may  be 
adverse  to  us,  and  if  it  is,  Detroit  must  fall,  and  with  it  every  hope 
of  reestablishing  our  affairs  in  that  quarter  until  the  next  year. 

Soon  after  General  Hull  returned  to  his  home  in  Newton  he 
was  placed  under  arrest,  and  the  government  preferred  grave 
charges  against  him.  A  court-martial  assembled  at  Philadelphia 
late  in  February,  1813,  with  General  Wade  Hampton  as  President, 
and  A.  J.  Dallas  as  Ju'lge- Advocate.  Hull,  who  was  anxious  for 
an  investigation,  appeared  with  alacrity  before  the  court ;  but  the 
President  of  the  United  States  dissolved  the  court  before  it  had 
entered  upon  its  business,  without  giving  a  reason  for  the  act.  It 
was  almost  a  year  before  another  court-martial  was  convened  at 
Albany,  with  General  Dearborn  as  President,  assisted  by  three 
brigadier-generals,  four  colonels  and  five  lieutenant-colonels. 
These  were  Generals  Bloomfield,  Parker  and  Covington;  Colonels 
Fenwick,  Carberry,  Little  and  Irvine;  and  Lieutenant-Colonels 
Dennis,  Connor,  Davis,  Scott  and  Stewart.  Mr.  Dallas  was  again 
the  Judge-Advocate,  and  the  government  employed  able  counsel  to 
assist  him. 


16 


HULLS  SURRENDER    OF  DETROIT. 


A  majority  of  the  members  of  this  court  were  young  men  recently 
proinoted  to  their  res|)ective  offices.  Some  of  them  had  served  as 
aids  to  General  Dearborn,  and  had  been  introduced  into  the  army 
by  his  patronage.  General  Hull  might,  with  great  propriety,  have 
objected  to  the  composition  of  the  court,  for  he  blamed  General 
Dearborn  for  his  negligence,  and  his  own  ac(iuitlal  would  condemn 
that  officer,  liut  he  was  anxious  for  an  investigation,  and  he 
waived  all  feeling.  The  court  opened  business  on  the  3d  of  Janu- 
ary, 1 81 4. 

General  Hull  was  charged  with  Treason,  Coivardice,  and  Ne^^lect 
of  duty  and  iinojfucrlikc  conduct  from  the  ()t/i  of  April  to  Auj^^ust  1 6, 
1812.  The  specifications  under  the  charge  of  Treason  were :  (1.) 
Hiring  the  vessel  to  transport  his  sick  men  and  baggage  from  the 
Miami  (at  Toledo)  to  Detroit;  (2.)  Not  attacking  the  enemy's  fort 
at  Maiden,  and  retreating  to  Detroit;  (3.)  Not  strengthening  the 
fort  at  Detroit,  and  surrendering.  The  specifications  under  the 
charge  of  Corcard/ce  were :  (i . )  Not  attacking  Maiden,  and  retreat- 
ing to  Detroit;  (2.)  Api)earance  of  alarm  during  the  cannonade; 
(3.)  Appearance  of  alarm  on  the  day  of  the  surrender;  (4.)  Sur- 
render of  Detroit.  The  specifications  under  the  third  charge  were 
similar  to  those  under  the  second. 

This  trial,  in  most  of  its  aspects,  was  a  remarkable  and  most  dis- 
graceful one,  and  no  sensible  man  can  read  the  record  of  it  without 
a  conviction  that  General  Hull  was  offered  a  sacrifice  to  appease 
public  indignation,  and  to  the  necessity  of  preserving  the  Adminis- 
tration from  disgrace  and  contempt.  The  court  was  evidently 
constituted  for  this  end.  The  President  of  the  court,  who  was  the 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  armies,  was  deeply  interested  in  the 
conviction  of  General  Hull.  He  had  made  a  serious  and  (for  Hull) 
a  fatal  blunder  in  concluding  an  armistice  with  Sir  George  Prevost 
without  including  the  Army  of  the  Northwest,  or  even  advising  its 
commander  of  the  omission.     If  Hull  should  be  acquitted,   the 


HULLS  SURRENDER   OF  DETROIT.  17 

President  of  the  court  might  be  compelled  to  appear  before  a  similar 
tribunal  on  a  charge  of  neglect  of  duty.  It  is  a  significant  fact  to 
be  remembered  that  the  President  was  called  from  very  important 
military  duties  at  that  time,  to  preside  over  a  trial  that  lasted 
eighty  days,  when  there  were  other  peers  of  the  accused  not  nearly 
as  much  engaged  as  the  Commander-in-Chief.  The  principal  wit- 
nesses against  the  accused  were  allowed  extraordinary  latitude. 
They  were  permitted  to  give  their  opinions  concerning  military 
movements,  wh'ch  were  admitted  as  evidence;  a  thing  unheard  of 
in  a  court,  excepting  in  the  case  of  medical  or  other  experts. 
Chiefly  upon  such  kind  of  testimony  the  unfortunate  General  was 
condemned.  Some  militia  officers  who  had  never  been  under  fire, 
testified  that  becaiuse  of  the  peculiar  appearance  of  the  General's 
face  during  the  cannonade  of  the  fort  it  was  their  opinion  that  he 
was  moved  by  fear;  whilst  others,  who  had  beei.  in  battle,  attri- 
buted his  appearance  to  the  real  cause — exhaustirg  fatigue  of  mind 
and  body,  for  neither  had  enjoyed  any  rest  scarcely  for  several  days 
and  nights. 

The  charge  of  treason  was  withdrawn  at  the  beginning  of  the 
trial,  in  a  manner  most  injurious  to  the  accused,  namely,  that  the 
court  had  no  jurisdiction ;  but  when  the  trial  was  over,  they  saw 
the  necessity  of  saying,  in  their  verdict:  "The  evidence  on  the 
subject  having  been  publicly  given,  the  court  deem  it  proper,  in 
justice  to  the  accused,  to  say  that  they  do  not  believe,  from  anything 
that  has  appeared  before  them,  that  General  Hull  has  committed 
treason  against  the  United  States."  Why  this  show  of  "ju  ticetothe 
accused?"  The  reason  isobviou-  The  principal  fact  on  which  the 
charge  of  treason  was  based  was  the  sending  of  the  baggage,  intrench- 
ing tools,  and  sick,  by  water  past  a  British  fort  after  war  was  declared. 
Because  of  the  neglect  of  the  Secretary  of  War  to  send  an  early 
notice  to  Hull  of  that  declaration,  the  latter  was  ignorant  of  the 
important  act  until  after  his  schooner  had  sailed.     He  might  have 


18 


HUrj:S  SURRENDER    OF  DETROIT. 


received  the  notice  some  days  before  she  sailed,  had  the  Secretary 
not  been  remiss  in  his  duty.     That  fact,  and  the  proof  wliich  ap- 
peared that  the   British  at  Maiden   had   received  a  notice  of  the 
declaration  of  war  before  Hull's  vessel  sailed,  in  a  letter  franked 
by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury   (in  consecpience  of  which  the 
British  were  enabled   to  send  an   armed  vessel  out  of  Maiden  to 
capture  Hull's  schooner),  were   likely  to  be  damaging  to  the  Ad- 
ministration;  so  the  court,  more  ready  to  serve  the  government 
than  to  do  justice,  dismissed  the  charge   of  treason,  and  made  a 
forced  acknowledgment  of  the  General's  innocence  of  that  crime. 
But  upon  the  strength  of  the  extraordinary  testimony  alluded  to, 
they  found   the  veteran  soldier  guilty  of  the   second  and   third 
charges,  and  sentenced  him  to  be  shot  dead!     On  account  of  his 
Revolutionary  services,  as  the  court  alleged,  they  earnestly  recom- 
mended him  to  the  mercy  of  the  President.     Madison  approved 
the  sentence,  but  pardoned  the  alleged  offender.     By  this  act  Jus- 
tice and  Mercy,  in  the  public  estimation,  were  satisfied;   the  Ad- 
ministration was  absolved  from  its  sins  by  sacrificing  upon  the  altar 
of  its  selfishness  the  character  (which  was  to  him  dearer  than  life) 
of  the  innocent  victim,  and  History  was  allowed  to  unconsciously 
defile  her  pen  by  writing  falsely  of  the  immolated  patriot.     What 
a  relief  to  the  Administration  from  crushing  responsibility  was  this 
unjust  sentence !     The  Secretary  of  War,   conscious  of  his  own 
errors,  expected  to  feel  the  public  wrath,  and  had  written  to  Gene- 
ral Dearborn:  *'  Fortunately  for  you,  the  want  of  success  which  has 
attended  the  campaign  will  be  attributed  to  the  Secretary  of  Wpr." 
General  Hull  lived  under  a  dark  cloud  of  unmerited  reproach,  and 
was  compelled  to  keep  silent  for  the  want  of  facts  to  establish  his 
innocence.     His  papers  were  burned  while  on  their  way  from  De- 
troit to  Buffalo,  after  the  surrender;  and  during  two  Administra- 
tions he  was  denied  the  privilege  of  obtaining  copies  of  papers  in 
the  War  Department  at  Washington  that  might  vindicate  his  cha- 


' 


NULL'S  SURRENDER    OF  DETROIT. 


19 


racter.  When  John  C.  Calhoun  became  Secretary  of  War,  he 
generously  gave  Hull  j)ermission  to  copy  any  paper  he  wished. 
With  the  material  so  obtained,  the  General  began  the  preparation 
of  a  vindication,  which  was  published  in  a  series  of  letters  in  a 
Boston  new<i[iaper  (^Amen'ca/i  S/a/cs/nan)  in  1824,  when  he  was  past 
three-score-and-ten  years  of  age.  He  lived  long  enough  after  pub- 
lishing that  vindication  to  perceive  unmistakable  signs  of  sympathy 
in  the  partially  disabused  public  mind,  which  prophesied  of  future 
awards  of  justice.  In  1825  the  citizens  of  Boston  testified  their 
respect  for  him  by  giving  him  a  public  dinner. 

In  the  darkest  hours  of  his  adversity  General  Hull  enjoyed  the 
society  of  generous  friends  outside  of  his  loving  family  circle,  who 
thoroughly  believed  in  him.  He  was  in  continual  correspondence 
with  his  old  and  sympathizing  companions-in-arms;  and  men  of 
high  degree  in  social  life  were  sometimes  his  guests.  Lafayette 
visited  him  when  that  distinguished  Frenchman  was  the  nation's 
guest  fifty  years  ago. 

In  judging  the  conduct  of  General  Hull  at  Detroit,  we  must 
remember  that  he  was  far  down  the  western  slope  of  life  at  the  time 
of  his  surrender,  when  men  are  very  cautious,  and  when  they  are 
more  apt  to  counsel  than  to  act.  The  perils  and  fatigues  of  the 
march  from  Dayton  to  Detroit  had  affected  him,  and  the  anxieties 
arising  from  his  responsibilities  bore  heavily  upon  his  judgment. 
Th-\se  difficulties  his  young,  vigorous,  ambitious  and  daring  officers 
could  not  understand:  and  while  they  were  cursing  him,  they 
should  have  been  kindly  cherishing  him.  When  he  could  perceive 
no  alternative  but  surrender  or  destruction — destruction  to  his  army 
and  the  old  men,  women  and  children  who  had  taken  refuge  in 
Detroit  from  the  fury  of  the  savages — he  bravely  determined  to 
choose  the  most  courageous  and  humane  course ;  so  he  faced  the 
taunts  of  his  soldiers  and  the  expected  scorn  of  his  countryiiien, 
rather  than  fill  the  beautiful  land  of  the  Ohio  and  the  young  settle- 


20 


HULL'S  SUNKEN  J)  ER    OF  DETROIT. 


mcnts  of  Michigan  with  moiiniing.     To  one  of  his  aids  he  said: 

*♦  You  return  to  your  family  without  a  stain;  as  for  myself  I  have 

sacrificed  a  reputation  dearer  to  me  than  life,  but  1  have  saved  the 

inhabitants  of  Detroit,  and  my  heart  approves  the  act." 

The  conception  of  the  campaign   against   Canada  was  a  huge 

blunder.     Hull  saw  it  and  protested  against  it.     The  failure  to  put 

in  vigorous  motion  for  his  sup|)ort  auxiliary  and  cooperative  forces 

was  criminal  neglect.     When  the  result  was  found  to  be  a  failure 

and  humiliation,  the  Administration   perceived    it  and   sought    a 

refuge.     Pul)lic  indignation  must  be  appeased ;  the  lightning  of  the 

public  wrath  must  be  averted.     I  repeat  it— General  Hull  was  made 

the  chosen  victim  for  the  peace-oflering — the  sin-bearing  scapegoat 

— and  on  his  head  the  fiery  thunderbolts  were  hurled.     The  case  of 

General  Hull  illustrates  the  force  of  Shakspeare's  words: 

"  'Tis  stran^'e  how  ni.Tiiy  unima|,'inf<l  cliiirj,'ci 
Can  swarm  iii)oii  a  man  when  imce  tlic  liil 
Of  the  l'an(h)ra  box  of  contumely 
Is  opened  o'er  his  head." 


I 


lis  aids  ho  said  : 
or  myself  I  have 

I  have  saved  the 

act." 

riada  was  a  huge 

The  failure  to  put 

ouperative  forces 

d  to  be  a  failure 

it  and   sought    a 

L'  lightning  of  the 

al  Hull  was  made 

)earing  scapegoat 

led.     The  case  of 

words : 


I 


f 


Place  of  Purchase  >.Altuty(/itt-ft     


Purchased 


From 


Price 


Later  Catalogued  Prices 


